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Can a Union Stop Workplace Monitoring? Bargaining Rights

A bargaining table with a contract open to a page headed technology and monitoring

A union cannot make monitoring illegal. What it can do, in a unionized workplace, is make monitoring something the employer has to negotiate rather than announce. Since 1997 the National Labor Relations Board has held that installing surveillance cameras is a mandatory subject of bargaining, and the same logic has been applied to GPS units, in-vehicle cameras and the data an employer collects about how fast people work. An employer that installs a new monitoring system without giving the union notice and a chance to bargain commits an unfair labor practice, and the Board can order it to bargain and, in some cases, to rescind discipline based on the data. That duty survived the change of administration in 2025, because it rests on Board decisions and court rulings rather than on the General Counsel memos that were rescinded.

This guide explains what the law requires of unionized employers, what it does not, how the Board's 2022 push to restrict "omnipresent surveillance" ended, where the Board stands in November 2026 with a restored quorum and a Republican majority, what unions have actually won in contracts, what public-sector labor boards require, and what non-union employees have. For the underlying state laws, see employee monitoring laws by state; for refusing monitoring as an individual, can I be fired for refusing monitoring.

The short answer

SituationCan the union stop it?What the law gives
Employer wants to install cameras, GPS, productivity software or any new monitoring in a unionized workplaceNot unilaterally, but it can force bargainingThe employer must give notice and bargain in good faith to agreement or impasse before implementing, unless the contract clearly waives that right (Section 8(a)(5))
Monitoring already exists; employer wants to use it for discipline in a new wayCan force bargaining over the effectsEven where the decision to install is covered by the contract, the use of the data for discipline is usually bargainable
Union negotiates limits into the contractYes, to the extent agreedBans on driver-facing cameras, limits on discipline from monitoring data, notice periods for new technology, data-retention limits, all enforceable through grievance and arbitration
Employer monitors union organizing, meetings or conversationsYesSurveillance of protected activity, or creating the impression of it, violates Section 8(a)(1) in every workplace, union or not
Non-union workplace, general monitoringNoNo duty to bargain; monitoring is lawful subject to state law. Section 7 protects employees who act together to object to it
Public employeesOften, under state lawState labor boards in New York, California, Massachusetts and elsewhere require bargaining over monitoring decisions or their effects

Monitoring is a mandatory subject of bargaining

Section 8(a)(5) of the National Labor Relations Act requires an employer to bargain with a certified union over "wages, hours, and other terms and conditions of employment." An employer may not change a mandatory subject unilaterally; it must give the union notice and an opportunity to bargain, and may implement only after reaching agreement or a good-faith impasse. The Board settled that monitoring is such a subject in Colgate-Palmolive Co., 323 NLRB 515 (1997), after a hidden camera was found in an air vent in a men's restroom and the company refused the union's demand to bargain over the placement and use of hidden cameras. The Board held that installation and use of hidden surveillance cameras is "plainly germane to the working environment," analogized it to drug testing, polygraphs and physical examinations, all of which it had already found bargainable, and said the union would have the same right "even if the union were newly elected."

The courts agreed. In Brewers and Maltsters, Local 6 v. NLRB, 414 F.3d 36 (D.C. Cir. 2005), reviewing the Board's Anheuser-Busch decision (342 NLRB 560 (2004)) about hidden cameras in a break area, the D.C. Circuit held that "the installation and use of hidden surveillance cameras in the workplace constitutes a mandatory subject of bargaining," rejected the company's argument that security concerns exempted it, and sent the case back for the Board to reconsider whether the employees disciplined on camera evidence should be made whole. The Seventh Circuit had reached the same conclusion in National Steel Corp. v. NLRB, 324 F.3d 928 (2003). The duty has since been applied in Board and advice cases to GPS units, telematics, in-cab cameras and electronic timekeeping, and it extends to "effects bargaining," meaning the union may demand negotiation over how data is used, who sees it, how long it is kept and whether it can support discipline, even where the decision to install is not itself bargainable.

The duty is fact-specific. In a 2015 advice memorandum (case 22-CA-151053) the Board's Division of Advice found no duty to bargain where an employer placed a GPS unit on one company vehicle to help a private investigator in a time-theft investigation of the kind the union already knew the employer conducted; the Division called it "a mechanical method to assist in the enforcement of an established policy and practice" rather than a "material, substantial, and significant" change. A single device in a single investigation under an existing practice is one thing; a fleet-wide camera rollout or a new productivity-scoring system is another.

Management-rights clauses and the waiver standard

Most collective bargaining agreements contain a management-rights clause reserving to the employer decisions about "methods, equipment and technology." Whether such a clause lets the employer install monitoring without bargaining depends on which test the Board applies, and the test has changed twice in six years.

Endurance remains Board law as of November 2026, but the General Counsel's August 2026 priorities memo (GC 26-04) lists the 2024 waiver decision among the precedents she has asked the Board to overrule, and the Board now has the Republican majority to do it. Until it does, a unionized employer that wants to deploy monitoring should assume a general management-rights clause does not cover it. A union that wants to preserve the right should bargain for a specific technology clause rather than rely on the default rule, because the default may revert to contract coverage.

Surveillance of union activity itself

A different rule applies in every workplace, union or not. Section 8(a)(1) makes it an unfair labor practice to interfere with, restrain or coerce employees in the exercise of their Section 7 rights, and the Board has long held that spying on union or other protected concerted activity, or creating the impression that it is being watched, is such interference. Photographing or videotaping employees at a picket line or handbilling, having a manager attend an organizing meeting, reviewing security footage specifically to identify who spoke to an organizer, or telling employees that the company "knows what is said" in the break room, are the classic violations. Monitoring software raises a modern version: an employer that uses productivity data or message logs to identify and act against employees who were organizing has used monitoring as surveillance, and the remedy includes reinstatement and back pay. The policies that make monitoring lawful for ordinary purposes do not license its use against protected activity.

The 2022 memo and what happened to it

On October 31, 2022 General Counsel Jennifer Abruzzo issued memorandum GC 23-02, "Electronic Monitoring and Algorithmic Management of Employees Interfering with the Exercise of Section 7 Rights." It directed the Board's regional offices to challenge employers' use of "omnipresent surveillance and other algorithmic-management tools" that tend to impair protected activity, naming cameras, location trackers, company phones, keystroke logging and productivity software, and urged the Board to adopt a framework under which monitoring that would tend to interfere with Section 7 activity was presumptively unlawful unless the employer showed a narrowly tailored business need that outweighed employees' rights, with a duty to disclose the technologies used, the reasons and the uses of the data even then. Had the Board adopted it, the memo would have reached non-union workplaces, where no bargaining duty applies.

The Board never ruled on the framework. On February 14, 2025 Acting General Counsel William Cowen issued GC 25-05, rescinding GC 23-02 along with about 30 other Abruzzo memos. A memo change does not alter Board law, and GC 23-02 had not become Board law, so the rescission simply ended the effort. Nothing in it touched Colgate-Palmolive, Anheuser-Busch or the surveillance doctrine, which is why the bargaining duty described above is unchanged. Crystal Carey, confirmed as General Counsel in December 2025 and sworn in January 2026, has issued no memorandum on monitoring; her August 2026 priorities memo addresses waiver, work rules and other subjects but not electronic surveillance.

Where the Board stands in 2026

The Board lost its quorum for most of 2025 after the removal of Member Wilcox and could not decide cases. Members Murphy and Mayer were confirmed in December 2025 and sworn in January 7, 2026; Murphy was designated Chairman in March 2026; and on August 7, 2026 the Senate confirmed James Macy and reconfirmed David Prouty, giving the Board four members, a 3-to-1 Republican majority and one vacancy. The Board therefore has the three votes it conventionally requires to overrule precedent. As of the most recent reports (September 2026) it had not yet overruled Endurance, Stericycle (the 2023 work-rules standard, under which a monitoring policy an employee could reasonably read as chilling protected activity is unlawful) or the other decisions the General Counsel has targeted. Employers and unions should expect movement on the waiver standard within the next year; the mandatory-subject rule itself, which rests on decades of precedent and two circuit court decisions, is not on the General Counsel's list.

What unions have won in contracts

Bargaining rights matter only if they are used. Monitoring clauses have become standard in logistics, telecommunications and public-sector agreements.

Employers negotiating such clauses generally accept notice-and-bargain provisions and limits on sole-source discipline, and resist outright bans and retention limits that conflict with regulatory record-keeping duties. Our monitoring policy template and ethical monitoring playbook cover the provisions that tend to be agreed.

Public sector: state labor boards

Public employees are outside the National Labor Relations Act, but most states have their own bargaining statutes and labor boards, several of which have ruled on monitoring.

Public employees also have Fourth Amendment protection against unreasonable searches, which the Supreme Court applied to a text-message audit in City of Ontario v. Quon (2010), and which constrains covert monitoring in ways that do not apply to private employers.

Non-union employees

Without a union there is no bargaining duty, and an employer may adopt monitoring on notice (or, outside New York, Connecticut and Delaware, without notice). Section 7 still protects non-union employees who act together: two or more employees who object to a new monitoring program, circulate a petition, post about it in a group chat or bring a joint complaint are engaged in protected concerted activity, and discipline for it is an unfair labor practice that the Board will remedy with reinstatement and back pay. A single employee acting alone is protected only when acting on behalf of others or seeking to initiate group action. The Board cannot order a non-union employer to stop monitoring generally; it can order it to stop monitoring protected activity and to reinstate anyone fired for objecting collectively. The Stericycle standard also lets non-union employees challenge a monitoring policy whose wording would reasonably chill protected activity, for example a rule that all communications on company systems may be reviewed "to identify disparagement of the company," though the General Counsel has told regions to deprioritize such cases and the Board may revisit the standard. For the practical limits on what monitoring can reach, see Teams and Slack monitoring; for organizing a response, the guide to asking HR what is monitored covers the first step.

Key takeaways

Frequently asked questions

Can a union prevent an employer from installing cameras?

It can require the employer to bargain first. Installation and use of surveillance cameras is a mandatory subject of bargaining under National Labor Relations Board precedent (Colgate-Palmolive, 1997; Anheuser-Busch, 2004, affirmed by the D.C. Circuit in 2005). The employer may install only after reaching agreement or a good-faith impasse, and may face an order to bargain and to rescind discipline if it acts unilaterally. The union cannot veto cameras outright unless the contract bars them.

Does an employer have to bargain over GPS tracking of employees?

In a unionized workplace, generally yes, where the tracking is new or materially expands existing practice; fleet-wide telematics or trackers used to monitor employee whereabouts are bargainable. A single device used in one investigation under an established, known practice has been found not to require bargaining. Public-sector boards in California and Massachusetts have ordered bargaining over GPS in work vehicles.

Does a management-rights clause let the employer install monitoring without bargaining?

Under the current standard from Endurance Environmental Solutions (December 2024), only if the clause clearly and unmistakably waives bargaining over that subject; general language about equipment or technology does not. From 2019 to 2024 the Board applied a looser contract-coverage test, and the General Counsel has asked the Board to return to it, so the answer may change.

What happened to the NLRB memo on electronic monitoring?

General Counsel memo GC 23-02 (October 2022) proposed treating pervasive monitoring that interferes with protected activity as presumptively unlawful and requiring disclosure. It was rescinded by Acting General Counsel Cowen in GC 25-05 on February 14, 2025 before the Board ever adopted its framework. Existing Board law on bargaining over monitoring and on surveillance of protected activity was not affected.

Can my employer use monitoring software to find out who is organizing a union?

No. Using cameras, message logs, productivity data or any other monitoring to identify or act against employees engaged in union or other protected concerted activity is unlawful surveillance under Section 8(a)(1), and so is creating the impression that such activity is being watched. Remedies include reinstatement and back pay. This applies in non-union workplaces as well.

Do non-union employees have any rights against monitoring?

No right to bargain, and no right to refuse lawful monitoring of company equipment. But Section 7 protects employees who act together to object to it, and discipline for a group complaint, petition or discussion about monitoring is an unfair labor practice. A monitoring policy worded so that employees would reasonably read it as chilling protected activity can also be challenged under Stericycle, though that standard may be revisited.

What monitoring limits have unions negotiated?

The 2023 UPS-Teamsters agreement bars discipline based solely on technology, requires 45 days' notice before technology changes, and stopped driver-facing cameras. Communications Workers of America contracts with AT&T limit secret call monitoring and discipline based on it. Common clauses include technology committees, corroboration requirements before discipline, retention limits, and no monitoring in break areas or during meal periods.

Does the NLRB currently have enough members to decide cases?

Yes. After losing its quorum for most of 2025, the Board regained it in January 2026 with the swearing-in of Members Murphy and Mayer, and since August 2026 has four members (Murphy as Chairman, Mayer, Macy and Prouty) with one vacancy, a 3-to-1 Republican majority. That gives it the three votes conventionally required to overrule precedent.

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